1. Etica e coscienza. Etica, scienza e tecnica -- 2. Etica e cultura. Etica e politica -- 3. Etica ed economia. Problemi de etica.

A discussion of the history and worldwide expansion of the Società Internazionale Tommaso d’Aquino.

La dottrina sociale di s. Tommaso ha come l'oggetto non la societa, ma l'uomo che vive in societa. La fonte del pensiero tomista va ricercata nella concezione politica d'Aristotele. Secondo lui per natura l'uomo e un animale sociale e politico che vive in mezzo agli altri. L'Aquinate interpreta in senso strettissimo il note principio aristotelico della socialita naturale e politicita dell'essere umano: „Naturale autem est homini, ut sit animal sociale et politicum, in multitudine vivens, magis etiam quam omnia alia (...) animalia, quod quidem naturalis necessitas declaret". (shrink)

L’articolo esamina il rapporto fra individuo e comunità nel pensiero politico di Tommaso d’Aquino. In particolare, il problema filosofico qui discusso può es­sere presentato nel modo seguente: secondo Tommaso, l’essere di un singolo in­­dividuo è determinato dalla sua appartenenza a una data comunità politica o, vice­versa, l’essere di una comunità dipende da quello di ciascuno dei suoi mem­bri? L’articolo argomenta che Tommaso ha alcune ragioni filosofiche per an­teporre la comunità all’individuo, ma anche alcune ragioni teologiche per porre (...) al centro l’individuo. Alla fine, l’interpretazione è che, nonostante al­cu­ne possibili oscillazioni, Tommaso assuma che essere parte di una comunità po­litica, o essere cittadini, sia una proprietà necessaria ma non essenziale per definire l’essere uomo.This paper aims to reconstruct the relationship between individual and com­munity in Thomas Aquinas’s political thought. The philosophical problem I discuss is the following: On Aquinas’s writings, is the metaphysical value of an individual man finally expressed by its belonging to a certain political com­munity or, vice versa, the value of a community ensue from that of its mem­berships? I show that Aquinas has some philosophical arguments to put the community before the individual, but also some theological reasons to prefer the individual. At the end of the day, my interpretation is that, except for some hesitations that can be found in his writings, Aquinas subscribes to the view that the property of being a member of a political community, namely being a citizen, is a necessary but not an essential property for being a man. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:THE CONCEPT OF POVERTY IN ST. THOMAS AQUINAS'S CONTRA IMPUGNANTES DE/ CULTUM ET RELIGIONEM JOHN D. ]ONES Marquette University Milwaukee, Wisconsin MEDIEVAL CONCEPTIONS of poverty have been given ongoing and serious attention by scholars during this century. The extensive literature on the nature and practice of poverty among the Franciscans bears witness to this. Serious investigation of St. Thomas Aquinas's understanding of poverty, however, is virtually nonexistent. Except for (...) a very recent book by Ulrich Horst,' there are, so far as I know, no monographs or dissertations treating this aspect of Aquinas's thought. The most thorough discussion in English, which falls far short of sustained textual or critical analysis, is given by Philip Mulhern.2 Apart from an article by Silvana Spirito, which primarily focuses on historical issues, one finds only scattered references and notes in other works.3 1 Ulrich Horst, Evangelische Annut und Kirche: Thomas van Aquin und die Annutskontroversen des 13. und beginnenden 14. Jahrhunderts (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1992). This work was published after the present article was completed. : Philip Mulhern, Dedicated Poverty (Staten Island: Alba House, 1973), 116-31. "II problema della poverta e deIla perfezione religiosa nell'ambito delie polemiche tra clero secolare e ordini mendicanti," Atti Del Congresso Internazionale, ed. Congresso internazionale Tommaso d'Aquino (Napoli: Edizioni domenicane italiane, 1974), 49-57. Worthy of mention is Scott Swenson's concise, but detailed, note on poverty in the Contra impugnantes (Emerging Concepts of Jurisdiction, Sacramental Orders and Property Rights Among Dominican Thinkers From Thomas Aquinas to Hervaeus Natalis [Ph.D. Diss., Cornell University, 1988], 265, n.159). For a brief discussion of poverty in 409 410 JOHN D. JONES The absence of scholarship in this area stands in marked contrast to the lavish philosophical and theological attention given to many other aspects of Aquinas's thought. If Thomas gave only a cursory nod to the subject of poverty, this absence might be understandable. Over the course of his career, however, Thomas composed several extended discussions and numerous shorter notes pertaining to poverty, concentrating particularly on the nature and practice of poverty in religious life. In addition to the Contra impugnantes Dei cultum et religionem, a relatively early work devoted to a defense of the mendicant orders and mendicant poverty, there are extended discussions of poverty in the Contra pestiferam doctrinam retrahentium homines a religionis ingressu, cc. 14-16, the Summa contra gentiles, bk. III, c.131-35, and the Summa theologiae (51), II-II, q. 184, a. 7, q. 186, aa. 3&6, q. 188, a. 7, etc. There are also brief discussions and references to poverty (paupertas) and the poor (pauper) in nearly thirty other works ranging from the In Sententiarum to various Scripture commentaries.4 My purpose in this paper is to present a close, but by no means comprehensive, textual and critical analysis of Thomas's treatment of poverty in the Contra impugnantes, concentrating on the crucial sixth chapter.5 I am interested in Thomas's conception of Summa theologiae, 11-11, q. 188, a. 7, see John D. Jones, Poverty and the Human Condition (New York: Edwin Mellen Press, 1990), 317-320. Also see Jones, "Poverty and Subsistence: St. Thomas and the Definition of Poverty," Gregorianum 75 (1994): 135-49. 4 The Contra impugnantes dei cultum et religionem and Contra pestiferam doctrinam retrahentes homines a religionis ingressu are contained in the Leonine Opera Omnia, vol. XLI (Rome: St. Thomas Aquinas Foundation, 1970) and in Opuscula theologica, vol. 2, ed. RM. Spiazzi (Turin: Marietti, 1954). An English translation of both works is contained in An Apologyfor the Religious Orders, ed. John Procter (London: Sands and Co., 1902), 50-376 and 377-479 respectively. I am using the Blackfrairs edition of the Summa theologiae (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1964-81). By and large, I have followed existing translations of Thomas's works, although for the sake of accuracy, I have occasionally modified them, especially Proctor's translations of the Contra impugnantes and Contra retrahentes. 5 The discussion of poverty is contained chiefly in chapter 6 (cited in the Marietti edition as 2.5[6]). All citations in my paper will be to this chapter unless otherwise noted. Following typical form, the chapter contains... (shrink)

A partire modi di intendere la bellezza in Occidente, l’Autrice esamina l’attrazione, il piacere e la bellezza, giungendo così a porre in luce talune aporie connesse alle suddette persuasioni estetiche. In un’epoca in cui l’unico valore che sembra ancora interessare è la bellezza, si cerca di indagare cosa essa sia, non solo nella sua dimensione estetica bensì nella totalità del suo essere. Mediante un’attenta disamina dei testi di Tommaso d’Aquino si rintracciano le coordinate per comprendere quale sia l’essenza della (...) bellezza al di là delle diverse declinazioni analogiche. (shrink)

In questo contributo tenterò di rispondere ad una domanda fondamentale e assai complessa: la concezione di Dio come Esse Ipsum Subsistens rischia una deriva verso il monismo parmenideo? L’indagine verterà dapprima sul superamento di Aristotele della visione parmenidea e poi si concentrerà sulla metafisica dell’essere di Tommaso d’Aquino che, se correttamente intesa, non rischia affatto una deriva verso il monismo ontologico. Saranno infatti presentati alcuni passi che comprovano come il concetto centrale della concezione di Tommaso, quello di partecipazione, (...) garantisca proprio dal rischio del monismo, a patto che si intenda la presenza di Dio negli enti non in un senso quantitativo. (shrink)

Au Moyen Âge, la théorie médicale de la complexio n’est pas confinée dans le domaine restreint de la théorie ou de la pratique de la médecine. Elle implique une anthropologie déterminée, qui ne concerne pas seulement la santé et le bien-être de l’homme, mais, dans certaines limites, la nature même de celui-ci ou, pour mieux dire, la manière dont la nature spécifique de l’homme s’articule avec la variété et la différence des tempéraments et des dispositions individuelles : ce qu’est chaque (...) individu dépend de la complexion qui lui est propre. Cette anthropologie médicale dépasse les limites de sa discipline et pénètre aussi la théologie, par une série d’implications, pas toujours prévisibles, qui concernent la place de l’homme dans l’univers, l’eschatologie, la démonologie et aussi la christologie. Le but de cette étude est de rendre compte de certaines de ces implications en regard de la pensée de Thomas d’Aquin. Les différents lieux où Thomas étudie la complexion corporelle – il en considère les implications dans les domaines intellectuel et moral – montrent une sorte d’assimilation de l’anthropologie médicale (indirectement galénique, mais surtout avicennienne) à l’intérieur de son horizon de pensée, constitué par la philosophie naturelle aristotélicienne et par les exigences propres à sa théologie. (shrink)

L'opera è uno studio sugli aspetti teologici,metafisici, etici e politici della dottrina di Tommaso D'Aquino. Partendo dall'aspetto metafisico i principi della natura e l'ente e l'essenza scritti tra il 1252 e il 1256. L'opera verte sul rapporto tra l'ordine metafisico e quello logico. Affronta una serie di questioni centrali nel pensiero tomista: il principio di individuazione, il problema degli universali, il rifiuto dell'ilemorfismo universale, l'indefinibilità formale di Dio.

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:THE DOMINICAN SCHOOL OF SALAMANCA AND THE SPANISH CONQUEST OF AMERICA: SOME BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES THOMAS F. O'MEARA. O.P. University of Notre Dame Notre Dame, Indiana SALAMANCA, northwest of Madrid and Avila and not far from Spain's border with Portugal, preserves the atmosphere of a medieval, Renaissance, and Baroque university even as it develops the schools and clinics of a contemporary center of studies. There are associations with Teresa of (...) Avila, who spent the night there just after her reform was approved by Rome, with the young Cervantes, with Luis de Leon and Ignatius Loyola, and with John of the Cross, who was a student there. A bridge from the time of Trajan spans the river Tormes, and the Romanesque cathedral still reserves a chapel for the Mozarabic rite. The University of Salamanca The city brings to mind sixteenth century Dominicans like Francisco de Vitoria, often called the founder of international law, and Domingo Bafiez, confessor to Teresa of Avila. The Order of Friars Preachers, however, came to Salamanca in 1222 at the same time that Dominic's missions were taking root in·Paris and Bologna; the friars founded a priory and soon a school under the patronage of St. Stephen (San Esteban). The " Dominican School of Salamanca " means formally the line of great theologians reaching from Diego de Deza at the end of the fifteenth century to Tomas de Lemos, a main protagonist in Rome in 1607 in the controversy over grace entitled De Auxiliis. Today, after seven and a half centuries of existence, the Salamancan SSS 556 THOMAS F. o'MEARA, O.P. Dominicans remain a vital community, active m teaching, research and publishing. My attention was directed to the Dominicans at Salamanca by two volumes of essays reporting on congresses concerning the "Dominicans and the Discovery of the New World." My interest was not church history but the history of theologies of how grace might exist outside of explicit faith and sacramental baptism. The following report is a bibliographical survey of recent research on a theological era and school. Focusing on the thought of the theologians stimulated by the experiences of the missionaries in the Indies, it treats the Dominicans during the first decades after the voyages of Columbus. In the 1480s, as it entered its golden age, the University of Salamanca had a hundred professors and almost 7000 students. University records begin late, but they show that in 1546/47, one hundred thirty-four Dominicans were studying at the university, and in 1598/99, eighty. J. L. Espinel has written. a historical guide to the Dominican buildings and institutions.1 The great period of the Dominican school at the University began with Diego de Deza ( 1480-1486), professor and archbishop of Seville, and Matias de Paz (1518-1519), a professor of Scripture. Francisco de Vitoria (1526-1546) and Domingo de Soto (15321549 ) were its most gifted thinkers, but the school's achievements continued with Melchior Cano (1546-1552), Juan de la Pefia (1561-1565) and Domingo Banez (1581-1604). These t San Esteban de Salamanca, Historia y Gufa, Siglos, XIII-XX (Salamanca: Editorial San Esteban, 1978); see also R. Hernandez, "Convento y estudio de San Esteban," La Universidad de Salamanca (Salamanca: Universidad, 1989), pp. 369ff.; A. Martin Melquiades, "La Escuela de teologia de Salamanca," Atti del Congresso internazionale, Tommaso d'Aquino nel suo settimo centenario, Tommaso d'Aquino nella storia del pensiero, 1 :2 (Naples: Edizione Domenicane Italiane, 1975), pp. 242ff. A Salamancan Dominican of the 1930s, Vicente Beltran de Heredia, pioneered research in the history of the university and in the writings of the Dominican speculative masters. His writings can be found in past issues of Ciencia Tomista (CT), and some of his books and several recent collections of his most important essays are available from Editorial San Esteban. Similarly initial research in the United States can be found in the writings of Lewis Hanke. SALAMANCA AND THE SPANISH CONQUEST 557 are joined by lesser figures like Pedro de Sotomayor (15601564 ), Mancia de Corpus Christi (1564-1576), and Bartolome de Medina (1576-1581). The occupants of the chair in theology of the liturgical hour of prime from Vitoria in 1526 to Bafiez's... (shrink)

Il presente contributo indaga la trasformazione della definizione di “giustizia” da Tommaso d’Aquino (analogica) a Tommaso De Vio (univoca). Esaminando la connessione fra logica e filosofia morale si considera il tema della virtù e l‘interpretazione del pensiero dell’Angelico da parte del Gaetano. Si intende approfondire il rapporto fra la giustizia e il bene comune attraverso l’uso dell’analogia (Tommaso) o in altri termini (Gaetano). Il lavoro fa riferimento anche alla tesi di S. Hofstadter, secondo cui l’analogia è quasi (...) un a priori cognitivo con cui l’uomo concettualizza il mondo e progredisce nella conoscenza, tenendo presente il ruolo fondamentale che l’analogia svolge nella filosofia e nella teologia del Gaetano. Partendo dal presupposto che la nozione analogica di giustizia esprima più chiaramente il pensiero dell’Angelico sul rapporto con il bene comune, si osserva che il Gaetano fa uso di uno strumento diverso, interpretando la stessa virtù secondo una concettualizzazione di carattere univoco. E ciò, precisamente, per il suo modo di concepire l’analogia. Appaiono, quindi, due nozioni di giustizia in relazione al bene comune e a tutte le altre virtù morali. Come influisce tutto ciò sul discorso etico e sulla riflessione politica? Qual è il rapporto con la suprema potestas, il governo ecc.? Emergono chiaramente due diversi modi di argomentare e di rappresentare il mondo e le sue relazioni, cioè di costruire percorsi diversi sulla base dello stesso oggetto di studio. This paper investigates the definition of “justice” and its transformation, from Aquinas (analogical) to Cajetan (univocal). Through the commentaries of Cajetan to the S. Th., this contribution also deeps into the connection between Logic and Moral Philosophy. We intend to deepen the relationship between justice and the common good using the analogy (Aquinas) or not (Cajetan). This work also refers to the thesis of S. Hofstadter according to which the analogy is almost a cognitive a priori with which man conceptualizes the world and progresses in knowledge, bearing in mind the role that analogy played in Cajetan’s thought. If the analogical notion of justice renders much better the teaching of Aquinas, it is observed that Cajetan interpretates the same virtue according to univocity, because of his previous conception of the analogy. Therefore, we have two notions of “justice” related to the common good and the rest of the moral virtues. How could this affect the Ethics and the political reflections? What is the relationship between the suprema potestas, the government, etc.? Again, we have now two different ways of arguing and representing the world and its relations. (shrink)

I tentativi attuati all'interno della tradizione tomista per individuare la dottrina ufficiale dell’analogia elaborata da Tommaso d’Aquino si sono dovuti confrontare con la varietà di distinzioni tracciate dall’Aquinate nei suoi scritti. In particolare, l’importanza inedita assegnata alla convenienza di proporzionalità nelle Quaestiones disputatae de veritate ha suscitato un dibattito secolare, che oppone quanti riconoscono in questa soluzione la dottrina autentica a coloro che la valutano meramente come uno stadio provvisorio all’interno di un’evoluzione riscontrabile nelle opere di Tommaso. Nel (...) presente contributo si intende segnalare alcuni dati testuali che aiutano a chiarire il passaggio dalla concezione dell’analogia presentata nello Scriptum super sententiis a quella del De veritate, un passaggio strettamente legato alla funzione euristica svolta dall’analogia. The attempts made within the Thomist tradition to identify the official doctrine of analogy elaborated by Thomas Aquinas had to deal with the various distinctions drawn by Aquinas in his writings. In particular, the great importance given to the agreement of proportionality in the Quaestiones disputatae de veritate has elicited a long debate, in which those who consider such a solution as the authentic doctrine are opposed to those who see it merely as a temporary stage of an evolution which could be observed in Thomas’s works. The aim of this essay is to present some textual data that contribute to clarify the transition from the analogy as conceived in the Scriptum super Sententiis to that of the De veritate, a transition closely related to the heuristic function of analogy. (shrink)

Aristotle’s definitions of truth and falsity, on the one hand, and the relational and cognitive account of truth entailed from its transcendental nature, on the other hand, naturally lead later medieval philosophers towards correspondence theories of truth. Nonetheless in the later Middles Ages at least three versions of the correspondence theory can be found. Thomas Aquinas, in particular, proposed a mixed interpretation, bringing together metaphysical and semantical considerations.